An article by Michael Billington of Executive Intelligence Review (a publication headed by Lyndon LaRouche) Extremely Quoted by Manila Times Editorial Writer
Aquino must commit himself to our democracy
PNOY is a democratically elected president, not a revolutionary one. He must act as one. He is presiding over a deeply divided country, in a time of troubled peace, amid so many natural and man-made calamities and other worries. He should show the world he has the will and the skill to unite his people and to mitigate the humanitarian disasters no man is able to prevent.
Senator Joker Arroyo, Cory’s former Executive Secretary and hardly an adversary, chides PNoy for assuming control of all the three branches of government without proclaiming martial law, and without any of the conditions obtaining which could otherwise justify such a proclamation. Many agree with Senator Arroyo.
In 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law all over the country, in response to the communist rebellion that threatened to take over the government. It was a legitimate response to an actual emergency. By contrast, many see PNoy’s rush into one-man rule as an attempt to conduct the presidency as a kind of video game, of which he is reputedly a master.
But neither life nor government is a game. Not anywhere, least of all in a constitutional democracy. Would Ninoy Aquino, PNoy’s father, have approved of it, were he alive today? It is not unfair to ask that question, since PNoy ran on his parents’ record, lacking one of his own. The best answer that comes to mind is— maybe yes, maybe no, no one can say.
Passionate advocate of ML
Filipinos remember Ninoy as the opposition leader whom Marcos jailed during martial law and who was eventually assassinated in 1983 at the Manila international airport while coming home from his medical furlough in Boston. But what most Filipinos do not know is that Ninoy was a most passionate advocate of martial law.
Ninoy liked to tell his friends in the press that should he ever become president, and many thought that would happen one day, the first thing he would do was to declare martial law, exactly as Park Chung Hee did in Korea, to consolidate power and accelerate the country’s economic development. But Marcos beat him to the draw.
Now PNoy has fulfilled, or is about to fulfill, his late father’s dream without formally proclaiming martial law or national emergency. Is PNoy simply trying to follow his father’s vision, or is he being egged on by some power or principality?
In its Dec. 23, 2011 issue, the US-based Executive Intelligence Review reports that Ninoy has become a frontline supporter of US President Barack Obama’s “Ring around China” policy, along with Japan’s Nobuteru Ishihara, governor of Tokyo and secretary general of LDP. EIR is not the least passionate when writing about Mr. Obama, but it was light years ahead of everybody else in predicting the collapse of the US housing bubble and the euro, and the continuing meltdown of the trans-Atlantic economies.
EIR says that during Obama’s recent Asia tour, PNoy insisted that the US denounce China as an aggressor in the South China Sea. EIR then cites PNoy’s recent speech calling on the Armed Forces to prepare for external challenges, not just internal ones. At the same time it sees more US warships being dispatched to the area close to the Spratlys.
Is President Obama the cartilege that has stiffened PNoy’s back and made him believe he could take over the entire government without provoking resistance or hostility? Supported by the US, PNoy could be tempted to believe he could do anything without risking his office. After all, the Filipino poor have remained docile until now, the remnants of the communist left that were a threat to Marcos are now his allies, the elite look only after their own, and the Americans will go after any dictator anywhere, except when he is their own.
Still history is full of strongmen whom the US had coddled for years and then dumped as soon as they were no longer useful to them. PNoy would do well to learn from their experience, including from his own father’s. Ninoy himself may have narrated his own story to his wife and children.
In 1957, during the so-called Permesta revolt in Indonesia, Ninoy undertook secret operations for the CIA, according to the book “Subversion as Foreign Policy” by Audrey Kahin and George Mc T Kahin, quoting the late Senator Jose Wright Diokno as its source.
According to that story, Ninoy set up a clandestine radio station in Indonesia for the rebels, shipped them guns from a third country, and opened up Hacienda Luisita as a training ground for the rebel pilots. But when the Americans saw they could not topple President Sukarno, they promptly pulled out without telling Ninoy, leaving him in the dark and holding the proverbial empty bag.
It is not known how that affected Ninoy’s relations with the CIA. But in 1978, when Ninoy ran from his detention cell for the interim Batasang Pambansa, then Defense Secretary (now Senate president) Juan Ponce Enrile accused him of being a CIA agent. He did not deny it. His only reply was that he worked “with the CIA”, but “not for the CIA.” And nothing more was heard about it.
Twenty-eight years after Ninoy’s assassination, and no mastermind has been identified, conspiracy theorists have started saying that NInoy was terminally ill when he came home from Boston in 1983, and had agreed to be sacrificed in a foreign intelligence operation specifically intended to bring down Marcos, make Cory president, and restore the primacy of US interests in the Philippines.
I do not buy that theory. But others may. PNoy has to intervene. He has to unlock the mystery about his father’s death, to end all speculation, once and for all. But he must, at the outset, make an irrevocable commitment to our constitutional democracy, respect the separation of powers, act more the statesman he is supposed to be, and make his countrymen, not any power or principality, the sovereign masters in their own country.